sábado, 25 de marzo de 2017

Europa en su 60 aniversario

Can Europe be saved?

If it is to survive, the European Union must become a lot more flexible

ON MARCH 25th 1957, with the shadow of the second world war still hanging over them, six European countries signed the founding treaty of a new sort of international club. The European Union, as the club came to be called, achieved success on a scale its founders could barely have imagined, not only underpinning peace on the continent but creating a single market as well as a single currency, and bringing into its fold ex-dictatorships to the south and ex-communist countries to the east, as it expanded from six members to 28. Yet even as today’s European leaders gather in Rome this weekend to celebrate the 60th anniversary, they know their project is in big trouble.
The threats are both external and internal. Internally, the flaws that became glaringly evident in the euro crisis have yet to be fixed. Prolonged economic pain has contributed to a plunge in support for the EU. Populist, anti-European parties are attacking the EU’s very existence—not least in France, where Marine Le Pen is doing uncomfortably well in the presidential campaign, even if the National Front leader is unlikely to win in May. The most dramatic result of the anti-EU backlash so far is Brexit. Britain’s prime minister, Theresa May, will not be in Rome for the birthday party; on March 29th she plans to invoke Article 50 of the EU treaty to start the Brexit process. Negotiations over Britain’s departure will consume much time and energy for the next two years; losing such a big member is also a huge blow to the club’s influence and credibility.

The external pressures are equally serious. The refugee crisis has abated, but mainly thanks to a dodgy deal with Turkey. A newly aggressive Russia under Vladimir Putin and, in Donald Trump, an American president who is unenthusiastic about both the EU and NATO, make this a terrible time for Europe to be weak and divided. That a project set up to underpin Europe’s post-war security should falter at the very moment when that security is under threat is a bitter irony. It is also a reminder of how much is at stake if Europe fails to fix itself.
Never-closer union
The traditional response of EU-enthusiasts to such challenges is to press for a bold leap towards closer union. The euro needs this if it is to succeed, they argue. Equally, they say, more powers ought to shift to the centre to allow the EU to strengthen its external borders and ensure that it speaks with one loud voice to the likes of Mr Putin and Mr Trump. Yet the evidence is that neither European voters nor their elected governments want this. If anything, public opinion favours the reverse.
If ever-closer union is not possible, another Brussels tradition is simply to muddle through. The euro crisis is past its worst, immigration has peaked and Brexit will be managed somehow. If, after this year’s elections, Emmanuel Macron is France’s president alongside either Angela Merkel or Martin Schulz as Germany’s chancellor, the club would be under staunchly pro-EU leadership. Yet muddling along has risks of its own. A renewed financial crisis that upset the euro again, or the election of another government committed to a referendum on EU or euro membership, could tear the union apart.
Is there a better alternative? The answer, as our special report argues, is to pursue, more formally than now, an EU that is far more flexible. In Euro-speak, this means embracing a “multi-tier” system, with the countries of a much wider Europe taking part to different degrees in its policies—and able to move from one tier to another with relative ease.
The great British break-off
There has recently been a flurry of interest in the notion of a “multi-speed” Europe. But what most EU leaders mean by the term is that core members should be able to pursue common policies in areas like defence, fiscal or welfare policy; it implies that all countries are moving towards the same destination. A broader, “multi-tier” Europe would find a place for non-members as well. The continent consists of 48 countries and 750m people, not just the 28 countries and 510m people in the union, still less the 19 and 340m in the euro.
The core of Europe will be those countries that share the single currency. To solve the euro’s ills, they need more integration and shared institutions—from a proper banking union to a common debt instrument. The next tier would comprise a looser group than now of EU members that are not ready to accept the sacrifice of sovereignty needed to join the euro, which some will not do for many years, and may never.
Beyond that a multi-tier Europe should accommodate widely differing countries. That means a changed mindset more than changed treaties: in the language of Eurocrats, accepting a menu that is à la carte, not prix fixe. This is anathema in Brussels, where the idea that you can pick and choose the bits of the EU that you like is frowned upon, but it is what Europeans increasingly want. Countries like Norway or Switzerland may wish to be closely bound to the European single market. Others such as Britain may not be ready to accept the single market’s rules, but still wish to trade as freely as possible with the EU. They might seek a bigger role in other areas such as defence and security. And places like Turkey, the western Balkans, Ukraine and Georgia might prefer a similar associated status instead of today’s unsatisfactory situation, where they are told they are eligible to be full members but know they will never be allowed to join.
To work, a multi-tier Europe should be pragmatic about the rules that each tier entails. Those in the outer group might not accept fully free movement of people, for instance, but that is no reason to wall off their access to the EU’s single market. Nor should there be a stigma of second-class status for those outside the core: after all, they include Denmark and Sweden, two of Europe’s most successful countries. Ways should be found for countries with military or diplomatic clout (eg, post-Brexit Britain) to join in foreign and defence policies.
For the European project to survive another 60 years, the key is flexibility, in both directions. Just as Britain is leaving the EU, another country might one day leave the euro. Any such step will be hard to manage. But if the union cannot embrace differentiation, it faces the risk of disintegration instead.
Correction (March 24th): An earlier version of this leader incorrectly stated that Britain will invoke Article 50 on May 29th. It will, of course, invoke it on March 29th. Sorry. 

The Economist: http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21719462-if-it-survive-european-union-must-become-lot-more-flexible-can-europe-be-saved?fsrc=rss%7Clea

Papa advierte a Unión Europea que "corre el riesgo de morir" sin ideales

El primer papa no europeo recordó ante todo los ideales de los llamados 'padres fundadores'.

El papa Francisco advirtió este viernes a los líderes europeos reunidos en el Vaticano que la Unión Europea "corre el riesgo de morir" si pierde ideales como solidaridad, apertura al mundo y búsqueda de paz y desarrollo.
"Cada organismo que pierde el sentido de su camino, que pierde este mirar hacia delante, sufre primero una involución y al final corre el riesgo de morir", dijo el pontífice en un discurso pronunciado ante los 27 mandatarios y presidentes de las principales instituciones europeas.
La audiencia, que se celebró en la imponente Sala Regia del palacio apostólico, fue organizada con ocasión el sábado del 60 aniversario del Tratado de Roma que dio origen a la UE y participaron entre otros el presidente francés François Hollande y la canciller alemana Angela Merkel.
El primer papa no europeo, que ha sido en varias ocasiones muy crítico con la vieja y "cansada" Europa, recordó ante todo los ideales de los llamados "padres fundadores", varias veces citados.
"Europa vuelve a encontrar esperanza en la solidaridad, que es también el antídoto más eficaz contra los modernos populismos", instó el pontífice.
"Los populismos florecen por el egoísmo", agregó tras mencionar las políticas contra la emigración, tema que genera tensiones y divisiones dentro de la UE.
"No se puede limitar a gestionar la grave crisis migratoria de estos años como si fuera sólo un problema numérico, económico o de seguridad", añadió.
"El miedo que se advierte encuentra a menudo su causa más profunda en la pérdida de ideales", recalcó.
Apostar por el futuro
Como hace tres años, cuando visitó la sede del Parlamento Europeo en Estrasburgo, Francisco urgió a Europa a "encontrar nuevos caminos", a "apostar por el futuro", a desarrollar un "nuevo humanismo" y a no perder la memoria.
"Europa tiene un patrimonio moral y espiritual único en el mundo, que merece ser propuesto una vez más con pasión y renovada vitalidad, y que es el mejor antídoto contra la falta de valores de nuestro tiempo, terreno fértil para toda forma de extremismo", añadió.
En su discurso, el jefe de la iglesia católica recordó el espíritu con que se firmó en la capital italiana el 25 de marzo de 1957 el Tratado de Roma, nacido justamente de los escombros de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
"En un mundo que conocía bien el drama de los muros y de las divisiones, se tenía muy clara la importancia de trabajar por una Europa unida y abierta, y de esforzarse todos juntos por eliminar esa barrera artificial que, desde el mar Báltico hasta el Adriático, dividía el continente", rememoró al mencionar el antiguo Telón de Acero.
"¡Cuánto se ha luchado para derribar ese muro! Sin embargo, hoy se ha perdido la memoria de ese esfuerzo", lamentó el papa.
El papa lamentó también el nacimiento de ese nuevo muro que quiere "dejar fuera los ‘peligros’ de nuestro tiempo: comenzando por la larga columna de mujeres, hombres y niños que huyen de la guerra y la pobreza, que sólo piden tener la posibilidad de un futuro para ellos".
En su discurso, con tono más optimista con respecto a los pronunciados en el pasado sobre el mismo tema, Francisco invitó a Europa a invertir "en el desarrollo y la paz", en los jóvenes, en "la persona humana" y servir así de ejemplo para otros países y regiones.
Al término de su discurso, los líderes europeos posaron para la foto oficial de grupo en la magnífica Capilla Sixtina, donde se celebran los cónclaves, toda decorada por los suntuosos frescos de Miguel Angel.
Los líderes europeos - a excepción del representante de la Unión Europea - se reunirán de nuevo el sábado en la sede de la alcaldía de Roma para festejar el 60 aniversario de la firma del Tratado de Roma que dio origen a la UE.
Una reunión se celebra en un clima tenso por las recientes crisis europeas y en una ciudad blindada por los atentados en Londres y París.

La ONU denuncia ‘escalofriante indiferencia’ de UE hacia migrantes

El Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, Zeid Raad Zeid al-Husein, ofrece un discurso en Ginebra, Suiza, 27 de febrero de 2017.

El jefe de derechos humanos de la ONU denuncia la escalofriante indiferencia de algunos líderes de la Unión Europea (UE) ante los migrantes.
Zeid Raad al-Husein, quien ha manifestado este miércoles su preocupación por una serie de problemas de los derechos humanos en el mundo, ha querido llamar la atención sobre la "escalofriante indiferencia" de algunos líderes de la UE hacia los migrantes.
El funcionario de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) se ha declarado "muy preocupado" por el aumento de los llamamientos en el seno de la UE a crear centros "extraterritoriales" de procesamiento de inmigrantes en el norte de África o en otras zonas, para que la migración sea gestionada por actores "externos" con "poca consideración" por esos derechos.

"Reitero la importancia de cumplir el principio de que las personas no deben ser devueltas a países donde puedan ser sometidos a torturas, persecución o amenazas", ha recalcado Al-Husein.

En otra parte de sus declaraciones, el funcionario ha criticado la política de Estados Unidos, expresando su temor a los efectos del nuevo decreto del presidente estadounidense Donald Trump que prohibe el ingreso al país durante 90 días de personas de países mayoritariamente musulmanes —Irán, Libia, Somalia, Sudán, Siria y Yemen—.
Asimismo, Al-Husein se ha declarado "consternado por los intentos del presidente (Trump) de intimidar o socavar a periodistas y jueces", algo que ha hecho el mandatario para defender su controvertido primer veto migratorio.
La crisis migratoria, la peor desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, sigue siendo la gran tragedia sin solución de este siglo. Aunque el número de refugiados que llegan a Europa —en su mayoría procedentes de países en conflicto— se ha reducido desde marzo de 2016 por un acuerdo entre la UE y Turquía, el continente europeo sigue siendo destino de un gran flujo migratorio.


Austria propone crear centros para refugiados fuera de la UE

El canciller austriaco, Sebastian Kurz (izda.), junto a un agente de policía de Austria durante una visita a la frontera sur de Macedonia con Grecia, lugar de paso hacia Europa para los refugiados, 12 de febrero de 2017.

El canciller austriaco, Sebastián Kurz, lanza la idea de crear nuevos centros de recepción de los refugiados fuera de las fronteras de la Unión Europea (UE).
“Necesitamos centros para reubicar a los refugiados fuera de la UE”, aseguró Kurz en una entrevista con el diario Bild publicado el sábado.
El titular de Exteriores austriaco explicó que los establecimientos de acogida de los refugiados podrían ubicarse en los países como Egipto, Georgia o en uno de los Estados en el oeste de los Balcanes.
Necesitamos centros para reubicar a los refugiados fuera de la UE”, asegura el canciller austriaco, Sebastián Kurz, en una entrevista con el diario Bild.
Kurz también tuvo palabras para criticar la política migratoria de la canciller alemana, Ángela Merkel, al decir que “esta política equivocada ha sido refrendada por los muchos Estado y de Gobierno y la Comisión de la UE”.
De acuerdo con el jefe de la Diplomacia austriaca, la referida política se basó en “unas buenas intenciones, pero estaba muy claro de que si continúa atrayendo a la gente a Europa central, llegarán más y más”.
Por ello, el diplomático ve necesario que los centros de refugiados estén lejos del suelo europeo y que se rijan de acuerdo con las normas de la Agencia de Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR). Este invierno (boreal), la citada agencia advirtió sobre la suerte que corren los refugiados en Europa, con la llegada del frío y las heladas temperaturas que deben soportar dichas personas.
Kurz también defendió su idea con el objetivo de suprimir las rutas de refugiados a través del Mediterráneo y la ruta de los Balcanes.
A finales de 2016, el Gobierno austriaco anunció un incremento en deportaciones de extranjeros, que podría llegar a la cifra de 50.000 personas.
La UE ha experimentado un flujo masivo de refugiados en los últimos años. Cientos de miles de personas han huido de la violencia en el Oriente Medio y África del Norte para buscar asilo en los Estados miembros del referido bloque regional.
Amnistía Internacional (AI) ha criticado en repetidas veces la política migratoria de Bruselas, al denunciar la situación de los campamentos de migrantes en Grecia por ser inhumanas, en gran parte debido a la cantidad de personas detenidas en espera de su regreso a Turquía, bajo el polémico acuerdo migratorio UE-Turquía.

jueves, 23 de marzo de 2017

A Catholic farewell -The Economist

A funeral in Northern Ireland recalls religion’s power to divide and unite

Some thoughts after the passing of Martin McGuinness
WITH statesmen like Tony Blair and Bill Clinton looking on, ancient supplications for the dead were offered on March 23rd over the coffin of Martin McGuinness, the Northern Irish paramilitary turned politician. In the annals of a city with a rich and chequered religious history, this was a most unusual Catholic funeral.   
Arlene Foster, the Protestant leader with whom he had awkwardly shared power, risked the ire of her own community by attending the obsequies. She drew a cheer from mourners as she arrived at her pew. Mrs Foster and Mr McGuinness had a complex relationship. Until power-sharing broke down a few months ago, she was Northern Ireland’s first minister and he had almost co-equal position as her deputy. Then roll the clock back the 1980s: as a policeman’s daughter growing up near the Irish border, her childhood memories include narrow escapes from the Irish Republican Army, of which Mr McGuinness was a proud veteran. So her decision to attend the funeral was not a simple one, and when she returns to her local Protestant church in Fermanagh she cannot be sure of getting such a warm reception. 

The funeral had some other unusual features. In a gesture that would have been unthinkable when the Northern Irish troubles were at their height, some prominent Protestant clergy were invited to take part in the proceedings, offering prayers and reminiscences. 
With all its human and diplomatic difficulties, the ceremony highlights one of the enigmas of Northern Ireland’s deep intercommunal division. Many people have asked themselves whether this really is a standoff between followers of two different forms of Christianity, Protestant and Catholic. And pundits still cannot agree on whether religious difference really is an independent factor in the conflict, or merely a convenient and slightly misleading label.
Those labels, Catholic and Protestant, certainly do reflect a sociological reality. But they also oversimplify it. Even if the conflict is recast in secular terms, as one pitting supporters of Irish unity against people who cherish Northern Ireland’s link with Britain, a hard-ish fact remains. It is still broadly true that most people in the first camp are of Catholic heritage and most people in the second adhere to some form of Protestantism (Anglican, Presbyterian, Methodist and so on).

Religious observance may have fallen in Northern Ireland, as in most parts of the Western world, but it remains vastly higher than in Great Britain. According to the 2011 census, 82% of Northern Irelanders self-identify as Christian, compared with 59% of those in England. And the differences within Christianity have blurred a little but they are not seen as trivial. Especially in rural parts of the province, education and social life is organised on denominational lines; so different religious communities form distinct social groups, although they are not hermetically sealed from each other.
In decades past, sectarian differences certainly did fuel intercommunal mistrust. Ian Paisley, the firebrand preacher and leader of the Protestant community who finally made peace with Mr McGuinness, built his early career on using old-fashioned anti-Papist rhetoric of the kind not heard elsewhere in Europe for centuries.
Among pious Northern Irish Catholics, there was less name-calling but a deep sense of difference. Mr McGuinness grew up in an intensely Catholic household, where saying the rosary prayers was a daily practice. He was given the middle name of Pacelli after Pope Pius XII.
And yet, divisive as it has often been, religion also gives people in Northern Ireland a language in which they speak to one another across barriers which might otherwise be unbridgeable. A little hint of that was offered this week by Eileen Paisley, the preacher-politician’s widow. As Lady Paisley disclosed, she and her late husband had spiritual conversations with Mr McGuinness. And in the days leading up to his death, she sent him text messages assuring him of her prayers.

Grieta de timidez

Hay árboles 'tímidos' que crean imágenes como estas

"No es que hablen, es que se coordinan para, por ejemplo, que las semillas nazcan a la vez", nos cuenta un experto

El País - Verne

Central African Republic’s Lost Generation - HRW

Can kids concentrate on school when nearby soldiers fire off rounds? -Zama Neff (Director of Human Rights Watch's Child Rights Division--Passionate about protecting schools from attack, ending hazardous child labor, juv justice, migrant kids)  

Central African Republic’s Lost Generation

Fighters Occupying, Looting Schools Keep Children From Their Education

Soldiers camping out in schools and breaking up desks for firewood is common in parts of the Central African Republic.  According to a United Nations report from November, 20 percent of the country’s schools are not operational, many because of misuse by armed groups. Some students were forced out of school four years ago, when the mainly Muslim Seleka rebels cut a bloody swath through the country and seized the capital. Thousands more children stopped going to school in the ensuing years, as Christian-animist anti-balaka fighters ousted the Seleka, torching whole Muslim communities and displacing more than 860,000 people. Many of these children may never resume their studies, despite hopes kindled when a new government took over a year ago. Researcher Lewis Mudge talks to Amy Braunschweiger about his latest research and what a lost generation could mean for the future of one of the world’s poorest countries.

What did you find through your research about the state of the country’s schools?
We found armed groups living at schools and right next to schools. In some cases fighters are just meters away, and for all intents and purposes, occupying it. And in two cases, UN peacekeepers were in schools. We did much of our research in in Central African Republic, where it’s mostly the Seleka occupying towns and looting and occupying schools. But anti-balaka fighters and other groups have repeatedly done so as well.
Their very presence was keeping students away from the school. Kids can’t study when soldiers are sleeping there. Students and their parents were afraid there could be fighting by the school, or that fighters would assault students on their way to class.
When I asked the fighters why they were in the schools, or why they may occupy them again, they’d say because the schools have good concrete floors, metal roofs, and they’re the best buildings in town.
So armed groups damaged schools?
Seleka groups left the schools in bad shape. Both the Seleka and anti-balaka would burn desks and chairs as firewood to cook. Now, there’s no place for students to sit. This doesn’t sound like a big deal, but it is. These schools can have up to 150 kids in one room, and they need to write on something. The groups burn textbooks. These are rural schools, and a textbook is really valuable. In a crisis, communities store books in the school to safeguard them, and the fighters would destroy them.

Seleka MPC fighters at a roadblock in Bojomo, Ouham province, with a desk they removed from the local school.

And you found UN peacekeepers in schools?
We found two schools occupied by UN troops. They had set up their camps and tents under the blackboard. It was surprising, because the UN put out a directive saying don’t occupy schools. So our findings demonstrated a disconnect between orders given in the capital and troops in the field. When I asked them why they were in the schools, it was the same as the Seleka: “It’s a good building.” The good news is that, when we reported it to the UN, they acted immediately. UN command was very shocked and not happy. The forces quickly vacated both schools.
What kind of stories did you hear from the people you interviewed?
We talked with a lot of school-age kids. I asked each one what they wanted to be and why school is important. They’re all farming now, and none of them want to be farmers. They want to be teachers or doctors or engineers. That was quite startling. There’s almost this sense of acceptance that they aren’t going back to school, that they can’t make up this time. They’d lost 2 or 3 years, and this is it. Their thoughts were, I’m going to be a farmer now. The one chance I had for myself and my family is gone now.
I met a dad who said school taught him how to read and do math and that allowed him to start a little business. He spoke French – the language business is conducted in there. Along with farming, he has a shop in the village, selling soap, oil, salt, pens, and other goods. And he thinks it’s a shame his kids won’t have that. Because his kids won’t have schooling, he worries they may not have enough money to send his grandkids to school.
The ability to read, write and do math makes a huge difference. Schools also give kids a basic level of French. The center of in Central African Republic literally has no state services. There’s a hospital in main towns, but that’s it, and if you can get there good for you, if you can’t then you are on your own. They’re some of the most vulnerable people in the world. The ability to get some education would be a huge step up.
Were there schools that were open but students couldn’t attend?
Yes, and those were the students who seemed the most affected. They stopped going to school because of fighters who harassed or threatened students. One woman said she was sending her two kids to school past fighters who had killed her husband, and that traumatized her. Understandably.
We were at a school with fighters right next to it, and they’d fire their guns into the air all the time, just to test them. The students said it was terrifying. The village had been attacked and taken over, and they associated the shooting with the fighting. It’s 9 a.m., they’re trying to study, and a fighter a few yards away is pulling off a few rounds on his Kalashnikov. “When that happens, we all just dive to the floor,” they said. It must be very, very difficult to concentrate on school.
Did you speak with any teachers?
There was a teacher in the southwest, at a school previously occupied by anti-balaka. Last year a fighter stabbed this teacher in the head when he tried to stop the fighter from burning a school desk. There were 300 anti-balaka fighters occupying the school then, and I asked why he tried to stop the fighter. The teacher said it was one of the last desks. And he’d had enough. He wanted some vestige of the school left to be able to restart it. I was stuck by his courage. He laughed, acknowledging it wasn’t the smartest thing. He showed me his scars. The soldier’s commanders apologized to the teacher, which surprised me. They probably realized the fighter – who was never punished – went too far.
You had to meet with the Seleka for this report. What was that like?
We’ve been talking to them for years. And it’s the same-old excuses to justify their presence. First, they deny it. And then you say, yes you are there in the schools, I’ve seen it. Then, they insist they’re there to protect communities from another armed group.
What they’re doing is working to control roads to profit from trade, whether it’s illicit minerals, or normal buying and selling. You see it openly. In one town there’s one road, the road where the school is. And the Seleka have the roadblock there. So as they’re saying there’re here to protect people, you can literally watch a shakedown, with fighters holding up a guy on a motorcycle at gunpoint and taking his money.
Did you feel unsafe doing this research?
Yes. Central African Republic is one of the most dangerous countries for NGO workers. And there’s this inherent risk when you’re in an armed group’s territory and researching what they’re doing. Coupled with the fact that they’re unprofessional fighters, to say the least. There are a lot of kids in the ranks. That adds a layer and dimension to risk analysis.
But on the other hand, we know these groups well. We always operate openly in the sense that we let them know we’re there.
The main risks are on the roads. We are very, very aware of where we’re going and what group is in control. And we’re always in touch with group leaders. We spend a lot of time in the bush, calling leaders, telling them where we are. That way, if we get stopped by some men from a certain group, we can say, “Your guy knows we’re here. We can call him now.” You have to know the state of the roads – we couldn’t do this research in the rainy season.
We also plan a lot before the trip, develop protocols and have daily check-ins to stay safe.
You’ve worked a lot in Central African Republic. How did researching schools stack up against the rest?
In terms of human rights abuses, there’s a difference between committing a massacre and occupying a school. A massacre is worse. But if there’s ever going to be a real peace or stability, it’s critical to get schools running. With tens of thousands of kids out of school, it makes you concerned about the future of the country. Even if the education system is poor. By now, we’re almost looking at a lost generation in certain parts of the country. I worry about how that might affect the future prospects for peace. Unemployment is everywhere. It’s very cheap to get guns. You can see how easy it is for armed groups to recruit people when schools aren’t operating.
But if parents can send their kids to school, their children may have some prospects.

Cebrián, "los periodistas independientes siempre han sido acosados y se han visto seducidos muchos de ellos por el poder, pero "esto ha sido siempre así", y "no tiene que ver ni con Podemos ni con el PP ni con la revolución digital"

Cebrián: internet "se ha convertido en un basurero"

Cebrián: "La tendencia al populismo también afecta a periodistas y medios"
Cebrián: "La tendencia al populismo también afecta a periodistas y medios"

El presidente del grupo Prisa, Juan Luis Cebrián, ha advertido de que existe una "tendencia al populismo" que no sólo afecta a los políticos, "sino también a los periodistas y a los medios de comunicación".
"En función de la búsqueda de la audiencia y de la notoriedad, o el propio ego de algunos, los medios se dedican a las mismas prácticas irresponsables y demagógicas que muchas políticos instrumentan en su propio beneficio", ha afirmado Cebrián en una entrevista con Efe.

El presidente de Prisa ha relacionado la crisis del sistema de medios de comunicación a la de la democracia representativa, de la que forma parte.
"Hay mucha pasión ahora por la democracia asamblearia, la democracia digital o directa, parece que cuentan más a veces las manifestaciones que los votos", ha argumentado.
Cebrián considera que "todo el sistema está un poco patas arriba" y que internet "se ha convertido en un basurero".
Sin embargo, está convencido de que "antes o después la gente comprenderá que necesita información fiable", frente a las "posverdades y mentiras", para poder "tomar decisiones adecuadas", y que esas noticias serán suministradas por "medios independientes y profesionales".
"No tengo duda de que esto se va a organizar mejor, porque los medios digitales generan mayor participación y mayor difusión del poder, y eso es mayor democracia. Pero hay todavía mucho ruido y mucha confusión, a veces fruto del desconocimiento y otras por el soborno, la corrupción o las presiones de los diversos poderes", ha afirmado.
Sobre la relación de Donald Trump con la prensa, el director fundador de El País ha remarcado que el presidente de Estados Unidos, que "no gobierna a base de ruedas de prensa, sino de tuitear", ha hecho de su "guerra" con los medios tradicionales "uno de los iconos más evidentes" del comienzo de su mandato.
Según Cebrián, "los periodistas independientes siempre han sido acosados y se han visto seducidos muchos de ellos por el poder, pero "esto ha sido siempre así", y "no tiene que ver ni con Podemos ni con el PP ni con la revolución digital".
Al presidente del grupo Prisa "no le parece mal" que la Asociación de la Prensa de Madrid haya exigido recientemente a Podemos que cese la campaña de acoso personal y en redes a periodistas "a los que amedrenta y amenaza" cuando discrepa con sus informaciones.
Sin embargo considera que la denuncia de la APM "es un poco ingenua", "porque no solo Podemos amenaza y presiona" a los periodistas.


Avaaz en campaña:

Firma la petición al gobierno de Noruega, a la Comisión Europea y a todos los líderes de los países que permiten el paso a los balleneros noruegos: :
"Como ciudadanos y ciudadanas del mundo preocupados, le pedimos al gobierno de Noruega que termine con las masacres de ballenas, y a todos los demás que cierren sus puertos a los cargamentos noruegos de carne de ballena. Esta decisión sería el precedente que podría salvar a miles de ballenas y ayudar a terminar con su caza en toda Europa."
Más información:

En tan solo unos días, Noruega dará comienzo a una horrible tradición anual -- la cruel matanza de cientos de ballenas. Pero tenemos una estrategia para decirles “hasta luego, noruego”. 

Las ballenas son unos seres bellos e imponentes. Ahora sabemos que se comunican las unas con las otras a través del canto, y que experimentan emociones similares a las de los humanos. PeroNoruega caza y mata cada año a estas increíbles criaturas para después descuartizarlas y convertirlas en comida para animales o ingredientes de productos de belleza. Es desgarrador. 

Noruega se las ha arreglado para pasar desapercibida como el país número 1 en caza de ballenas. Pero si concentramos ya un clamor mundial sin precedentes, podemos presionar a Europa para que cierre sus puertos a los balleneros noruegos. Ya lo hicimos con Islandia -- ¡hagámoslo de nuevo!

MÁS INFORMACIÓNIslandia ya no cazará al rorcual común... por ahora (National Geographic) 

Caza de ballenas: Noruega puntea el ranking superando a Japón e Islandia combinados (MQLTV)

La mayoría de las ballenas que se matan en Noruega están embarazadas (PlayGround)