lunes, 8 de junio de 2015

Memoria: el genocidio de Indonesia (The Look of Silence)

Joshua Oppenheimer: why I returned to Indonesia’s killing fields

In 2012, director Joshua Oppenheimer exposed how those behind the Indonesian genocide still revel in their crimes 50 years on. His new film, The Look of Silence, follows one grieving family trying to understand why
Adi Rukun, left, confronts former death squad commander Amir Siahaan in The Look of Silence.
 Adi Rukun, left, confronts former paramilitary commander Amir Siahaan in The Look of Silence.
Joshua Oppenheimer is showing me a copy of a handmade book entitled Dew of Blood. Written and illustrated by a former village school teacher called Amir Hasan, it describes a series of killings he helped carry out as a death squad leader during the Indonesian genocide of 1965. That was the year in which more than a million suspected communists were executed following a military takeover.
The passage Oppenheimer haltingly translates describes the murders of Hasan’s first five victims, whose bodies were thrown into a well on a palm oil plantation. It is written as a kind of dark fantasy complete with graphic drawings and collages. “He imagines that the ghosts of the victims rise up out of the well to describe the ensuing killings,” says Oppenheimer, “so he has drawn these gory pictures and used generic comic-book imagery to record what he sees as his heroic role in the mass killings of his fellow Indonesians.”
As documentations of a genocide go, it is perhaps unique, being the testimony of a perpetrator rather than a survivor and one recounted with apparent glee and lack of remorse as a kind of violent, self-glorifying graphic novel.
Dew of Blood is an important document for Oppenheimer, who won awards for his 2012 documentary The Act of Killing, and for Adi Rukun, the young Indonesian man at the centre of his new film, The Look of Silence. The book ends with a list of names of the dead alongside the date, time and location of each killing. Among them is Adi’s older brother, Ramli. A footnote describes how he was taken from a political prison on the night of 27 January and died in a plantation close to his family home in the early hours of the morning. Ramli had been captured by the army as a suspected subversive and stabbed in the stomach. He escaped and fled to his parents’ home in a village in North Sumatra, where Amir Hasan and his accomplice, Inong, recaptured him, telling his mother they would take him to hospital in nearby Medan. Instead, he was put in a truck with other prisoners and driven to a secluded spot a few miles from his home, where he was dragged, almost naked and with his hands tied, along a path to the river, all the while crying and pleading for mercy. There, Hasan and Inong mutilated him further with machetes, cutting off his penis and dumping his body into the river. Among survivors’ and victims’ families, Ramli’s name has since become, as Oppenheimer puts it, “a synonym for the killings in general”.
Ramli’s ghost haunts The Look of Silence, a film that Oppenheimer sees as “completing” his 2012 documentary, The Act of Killing. In that film, heoverturned documentary conventions by choosing not to investigate in depth the terrible events of 1965 and 1966, but instead explored the horror and its lingering presence in collaboration with the killers, many of whom were leaders of an Indonesian paramilitary force called Pancasila Youth. He convinced former death squad members, including his primary subject, Anwar Congo, to re-enact some of their more gruesome killings in the swaggering style of the hardcore gangster films they revere. This they did with apparent relish, boasting about their exploits, acting out their gruesome deeds – victims despatched by machete or garrotting by wire – in elaborate detail and staging surreal fantasy interludes to symbolise their triumph over the evils of communism. The film was almost universally critically lauded on its release and went on to win more than 70 international awards including a European Film Award (2013) and a Bafta (2014).
Aside from a protracted scene in which Amir and Inong act out the torture and killing of Ramli in a similarly grotesque and gleeful manner, The Look of Silenceis, generally speaking, a more restrained, quietly haunting film, a meditation on the lingering and pervasive psychological fallout of the genocide. The horror, though it underlies every frame of the film, is subsumed into the intimate story of a grieving, traumatised family: two elderly parents, Rohani and Rukun, and their youngest son, who, 50 years after the genocide, are still living in a village where the murderers of their son and countless other victims are either feared or treated as heroes.
Adi Rukun and his mother, Rohani, who when the film was shot still lived in the same village as her son's murderers.
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 Adi Rukun and his mother, Rohani, who when the film was shot still lived in the same village as her son’s murderers. Photograph: PR
“My task in The Act of Killing was to expose the escapism and fantasies of the perpetrators,” says Oppenheimer, “as well as the lies they tell so they can live with themselves, but also how they continue to impose these fantasies and lies on those around them and on the relatives of the dead. My task in this film is to show what the frightened silence of the survivors, and indeed of the society, looks like. It divides neighbours from neighbours and even relatives from relatives in an abyss of trauma. It is a fear that will never go away until it is addressed. By looking at a single family, I am going microscopic to show the much broader picture. That intimacy makes us perceive them as human beings, not victims. Adi could be my brother.”
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I have travelled to Copenhagen to meet Oppenheimer in the spacious, spartan apartment close to the riverfront that he has recently bought with his Japanese partner, Shu. Having been asked to remove my shoes at the front door, I enter a minimalist open-plan space, where every item of carefully chosen Scandinavian furniture whispers consummate good taste. Over green tea, Oppenheimer chooses his words with equal care and, though soft-spoken, exudes the intensity of the truly committed. Andrea Luka Zimmerman, a German artist and film-maker based in London, who has known Oppenheimer since the late 1990s, when he was studying for a PhD at Central St Martin’s, describes him as “one of the most rigorous people I know, and deeply caring, both to his friends and to those with whom he makes work. He never rests until he has given his best and this goes for everything he does from cooking to film-making.”
Born in Texas in 1974, he grew up in Washington DC and Santa Fe, New Mexico. His political consciousness was shaped to a great degree by his upbringing: his father was a political science professor and his mother by turns, a trade union activist, a labour lawyer and an environmental lawyer. His father’s parents fled Germany just in time to escape the Holocaust. “I heard about the Holocaust before hearing the Cinderella story or watching Peter Pan,” he says. “I grew up with the message that we should try to understand that the aim of all politics, art and morality was to try to prevent these things ever happening again to anyone.”
Oppenheimer describes himself as “culturally Jewish – secular rather than religious”. He is alarmed by the rise of extreme rightwing politics and xenophobia across Europe. “Even here in Denmark, a liberal society, you have the Social Democrat party putting up signs saying we are going to get tough on asylum seekers,” he says. “It feels like there is definitely something in the air.” Has he felt it personally? “No. But, then I’m a ‘good’ immigrant. I have a British and an American passport. I’m acceptable and totally accepted.”
Oppenheimer first met Adi Rukun in 2003, having heard the story of Ramli’s death from several survivors of the killings. Adi is the still centre of The Look of Silence, a quiet, determined, emotionally burdened man who works as an optician. Having initially helped and become friends with Oppenheimer during the making of the first film, Adi chose to confront the past head on and at considerable personal risk. It is his calm, quizzical face that Oppenheimer returns to throughout the film, often shooting it in close-up as Adi watches, with intense concentration, video footage of Hasan and his accomplice replaying their gruesome killing of his brother. And it is Adi that Oppenheimer’s camera tracks as he sets out to confront the leaders of the death squads who murdered Ramli, having gained access to their homes by arranging to test their eyes.
First he meets Inong who, wearing the heavy optical frames Adi has placed over his eyes, speaks freely about his crimes, how he once cut off the breast of a communist woman who had been given up for execution by her own brother and how, like many of the killers, he drank the blood of his victims in the belief that it would stop him going mad amid the relentless slaughter. As with The Act of Killing, this is a journey into the abyss that grows darker with every step.
Adi Rukun tests the eyes of one of the men who killed his brother.
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 Adi Rukun tests the eyes of one of the men who killed his brother. Photograph: PR
“You have to understand that Adi is an exceptional individual in his empathy, his patience and his desire to understand,” says Oppenheimer. “He is not seeking revenge on those he confronts, rather an acknowledgment from them of the terrible cost of their crimes and how the fear they instilled still lingers. What he is asking is: how can these people have done this and now live around us and keep that fear alive?”
Since the film’s completion, Adi and his family have been relocated for their safety to another part of Indonesia where, says Oppenheimer, “there is a strong community of activists and critical journalists and he is regarded as a hero”. When I interview Adi by email, he is about to open an optometrist shop and his mother, over 100 years old and a mischievous, defiant presence in the film, is he says “more lively than she’s been in 10 years”.
His father, Rukun, wizened with age, blind and almost totally deaf, is another haunting presence in the film. He died in 2013. One of the film’s more disturbing scenes shows Rukun trapped in his own yard, confused and agitated about where he is. It is an upsetting, protracted moment in the narrative, so much so that I admitted to Oppenheimer that I wasn’t sure why it had been included.
It turns out that it was actually filmed by Adi in 2010 and was the pivotal moment in his decision to confront the perpetrators. “That was a terrible and sad day for me and my mother,” recalls Adi. “It was the first day my father could no longer remember me, my brothers and sisters or my mother. I realised it was too late for him. He would die with the trauma from Ramli’s murder, and he would never heal, because he had forgotten the son whose murder destroyed our family. All he remembered was the fear, like a distant echo from a sound long forgotten. I realised I did not want my children to live their lives with this fear, and I felt the only way of preventing this was for me to meet the perpetrators of my brother’s murder.”
What was going through Adi’s mind as he walked up the path to Inong’s compound? “Meeting Inong, I was not afraid for our security,” he replies, “We chose him as the first one to confront because he was not connected to the powerful perpetrators who could endanger us. If I look nervous when I am entering his house, it is because I was worried that Inong would not be able to admit he was wrong.”
Could Inong have said anything that might have assuaged Adi’s family’s grief? “I guess I was naive, but I thought that, when they saw I was not coming for revenge, they would be relieved and finally be able to apologise. Then I could accept them again as human beings and we could live together as neighbours, without fear.”
In the event, Adi is met with suspicion, anger and denial. In one instance, when he confronts Amir Siahaan, the commander of a local branch of another paramilitary group who signed the death reports of about 600 people, he is given a not-so-veiled threat about the risks of being a “subversive”. Unfazed, Adi asks: “If I came to you like this during the dictatorship, what would have happened?” The commander pauses, staring straight at him, and says quietly: “You can’t imagine what would have happened.”
Towards the end of the film, Adi also confronts the family of Amir Hasan, who died not long after being filmed re-enacting Ramli’s killing. Hasan’s wife and sons react with a mixture of denial and outrage and the scene ends abruptly when one son calls the police.
“I had a sense of foreboding that the whole effort to get the perpetrators to apologise would fail,” admits Adi, when I ask him if he was surprised by the response. “Joshua had already told me he thought this would happen and the conflict at the end confirmed my fears that we would not get any expression of remorse. But still I think the reason they were unable to apologise to me is not because they were afraid of me, or even of justice. They are afraid of themselves – their own guilt, their own conscience.”
I ask Adi about the impact of Oppenheimer’s two films in Indonesia. “They have opened many people’s eyes,” he says. “The media in Indonesia now talk about the past in a very different way. But we need more Indonesians to see both films. I do not know the impact of The Look of Silence in my village, because my mother and I left the village before the film was released, but from what I hear people there now know that the world and the country finally see that what happened 50 years ago was wrong. It is now up to today’s government to start a genuine reconciliation and rehabilitation process. Fifty years is already too long.”
Joshua Oppenheimer at home in Copenhagen: ‘People behind the camera have the power to shape your public image for the rest of your life.’
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 Joshua Oppenheimer at home in Copenhagen: ‘People behind the camera have the power to shape your public image for the rest of your life.’ Photograph: Katherine Anne Rose/The Observer New Review
Oppenheimer is uncomfortable with being described as an activist, but his politics are fuelled by anger at the stark injustices of global capitalism and our collusion as consumers. “The fear I felt in Indonesia is present elsewhere and is, in fact, an essential ingredient of our global economy,“ he says, “We know, for instance, that the people who made our smartphones may have been suicidal, in despair because of the conditions of the factories they worked in, but we don’t want to think about it or even look at it. I believe that by looking or speaking out, we are compelled to maybe act. Otherwise we retreat into fantasies that divide us from each other and from ourselves and allow people to retreat into the kind of fantasies in which they can describe the migrants who are coming to Britain as cockroaches.
“In the rich world, we have a slightly wider compass of freedom and debate, but that is closing. On the mainstream airwaves in America, you can hear people defend torture. Our previous vice-president [Dick Cheney] views waterboarders as national heroes. These are some of the reasons why I don’t want people just to see these films as a window on to the other side, but as a mirror.”
It was his fascination with our ability to lie to ourselves that first brought Oppenheimer to Indonesia in 2001. There, with creative collaborator Cynthia Cynn, he set about enabling a group of oil palm plantation workers to make a documentary. The Globalisation Tapes, released in 2003, exposed the harsh treatment of the workforce by a Belgian-owned company, which included female workers being forced to spray deadly herbicides without protective clothing and the use of hired paramilitary members to threaten those who tried to protest or form a union.
“When the company brought in local gangsters from the Pancasila Youth, the workers dropped their demands immediately,” says Oppenheimer. “That was the shadow of 1965. Most of the workers’ parents or grandparents were killed then, not because they were communists, as the state claimed, but because they were in a large and organised union. That’s when I decided I’d spend as many years of my life as it took to bring this to attention.”
Oppenheimer first became interested in film-making as an undergraduate at Harvard, where he studied theoretical physics and cosmology - “I was preoccupied, as I still am, with what we are, where we come from and what we are made of” - before switching to philosophy. Midway through his scholarship, he switched again, this time to film-making, cramming a four-year study programme into two years. “I didn’t really get any rigorous background in film history,” he admits.He cites the great Serbian experimental director Dušan Makavejev, who taught him at Harvard, and Ozu, Robert Bresson and Werner Herzog as his prime influences rather than traditional documentary film-makers. (Werner Herzog and American documentary maverick, Errol Morris, are credited as executive producers on The Act of Killing and both have endorsed his work enthusiastically.) “At Harvard, direct cinema was the core of the film department,” he says, “and most of the students were trying to make socially conscious works, but I was trying to combine fiction and non-fiction to show how our seemingly factual world is constituted through fantasy and stories.”
There’s an intriguing scene in The Look of Silence in which Adi tells his wife, much to her dismay, that he has approached one of his brother’s killers. Filmed in both long shot and close-up as they sit side by side on concrete steps outside their house, it is a prolonged study of things said and unsaid. Above all, it is Adi’s resigned silence in the face of his wife’s concern that gives the scene such an intimate power. But there is a camera present. I put it to Oppenheimer that, to some degree, the intimacy is therefore an illusion and the conversation, though sincere, must surely be shaped by the couple’s awareness of being filmed.
“In that instance, the camera is heightening the occasion that we have set up together. I don’t believe that if you film anyone for long enough they forget the presence of the camera,” says Oppenheimer. “They might become used to it but it always affects their behaviour. The camera is never a window on to a pre-existing reality. Just imagine any intimate, problematic conversation with someone you love and then imagine it with a camera there. You could never confuse those two situations, not least because people behind the camera have the power to shape your public image for the rest of your life.”
One cannot help but wonder, then, why the likes of Anwar Congo and Amir Hasan ever agreed to collaborate with Oppenheimer, let alone in such a recklessly self-exposing way. But collaborate they did, bolstered, he says, by their continuing immunity and convinced that their grotesque re-enactments would make them even more heroic to many in the country. Oppenheimer uses the term “cognitive dissonance” more than once to describe what he sees as their complex psychological state. “Their boasting is helping maintain a regime of fear, but it is not a manifestation of genuine pride. You don’t brag about something you are proud of; you brag to compensate for insecurity. These guys are not proud. In fact, the opposite is true. It’s a desperate attempt to live with what they have done. It’s the very opposite of what it appears to be.”
More than once, Oppenheimer emphasises his belief, implicit in his films, that the killers are not monsters, but ordinary people caught up in a political ideology in which the killing of suspected communists was not just supported, but expected. “I don’t like the escapist notion that we are not like them,” he says. “That there are monsters over there, but not over here. That’s too simplistic.”
Nevertheless, I counter, there is a series of ethical choices that lead to a person becoming a mass killer. The perpetrators had a choice: they weren’t forced into it. “Of course, there are choices,” he says. “None of them killed because they were going to be killed. They chose to kill in a moment of exorbitant selfishness, a suspension of their regard for others, a suspension of their empathy. But it is only a suspension I believe. Some of them could be sociopaths, but as Primo Levi said of the Holocaust, there may be monsters out there, but they are too few to worry about. I refuse to comfort myself with the moral lie that these men have done something monstrous, and consequently are monsters, and therefore I am not like them.”
Has he kept in touch with Anwar? “I’ve talked to him maybe six time since The Look of Silence came out.” Has Anwar’s life altered since the film was released? “Yes, I think he is less involved with the paramilitary group.” Have they disowned him or is he distancing himself? “A little bit of both maybe. They haven’t threatened him or blamed him or scapegoated him, which is one of the reasons I kept in touch frequently when we were releasing the film. I was vigilant to see that would not happen because it would be wrong for him to be attacked by the other perps for making the film. But my understanding is that he is as OK as a man like him can hope to be. He’s older and he’s not suffering from nightmares as much.”
So, you feel empathy for Anwar? “Of course. The whole premise of the film is that, through my closeness to him, viewers are forced to become intimate with him also and most viewers, I think, will feel some empathy with him, though not sympathy, which is a very different thing. And, of course, some viewers will resist that, kicking and screaming, and say, ‘These men are monsters! I shouldn’t be feeling this way.’ I think that was Nick Fraser’s reaction.”
Against the tide of praise for The Act of Killing, Nick Fraser, commissioning editor of the BBC’s Storyville documentary series, was one of the few dissenting voices. In this newspaper, under the headline “Don’t give an Oscar to this snuff movie”, Fraser expressed his distaste for Oppenheimer’s approach. “I find the scenes where the killers are encouraged to retell their exploits, often with lip-smacking expressions of satisfaction, upsetting not because they reveal so much, as many allege, but because they tell us so little of importance … I’d feel the same if the film-makers had gone to rural Argentina in the 1950s, rounding up a bunch of ageing Nazis and getting them to make a film entitled ‘We Love Killing Jews’.”
As I reprise Fraser’s criticisms now, Oppenheimer tenses. “It was actually some friends in Indonesia who drew my attention to Fraser’s piece and to the comments posted underneath, which were mostly from Indonesians. As one of them pointed out, the only people who would agree with Fraser in Indonesia are the military. Personally, I couldn’t understand why he took time to write such a lengthy piece without acknowledging the film’s impact in Indonesia. This is a film about impunity and exposing the lies that underpin it, not a film in which we are trying to make visible a forgotten genocide. I suspect Fraser, as a documentary commissioner, is uncomfortable with abandoning the most pervasive escapism of all that we have in liberal democracies – that we have nothing to do with this violence, that these men have nothing to do with us, that they are the other.”
A still from The Act of Killing, Oppenheimer’s 2012 documentary about mass killings in Indonesia.
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 A still from The Act of Killing, Oppenheimer’s 2012 documentary about mass killings in Indonesia.
If Oppenheimer’s methods are provocative, so is his political message: that we in the west are an essential part of the horror, injustice and silence. Both the American and UK governments, he reminds us, sanctioned the mass killings of so-called communists in Indonesia in 1965 at the height of the cold war – “the UK was the biggest supplier of weapons”. When he drew attention to Britain’s role at the Baftas last year, the BBC, much to his dismay, removed the reference when it broadcast his speech.In The Look of Silence, he uncovers a long-lost late-60s NBC TV news broadcast from Indonesia in which the reporter praises the country’s beauty and celebrates the recent genocide as “the single biggest defeat handed to communists anywhere in the world”. It then cuts to footage of survivors held in a prison camp and forced to work “but this time as prisoners and at gunpoint”. The company they are working for as slave labour is Goodyear.
“This was reported on US television in 1967,” says Oppenheimer. “Because of the lens of ideology, Americans did not perceive this as a replay of what happened commercially and industrially at Auschwitz. This is a profound stain on America’s claim to be a force for justice and democracy in the postwar world.”
Was there a personal cost to making these films, in confronting this kind of horror? He pauses for a long moment. “Well, I wasn’t physically afraid during the making of The Act of Killing, but I was emotionally afraid. The scene where Anwar butchers the teddy bear in the director’s cut of the film triggered eight months of nightmares and insomnia. It was one of the deepest, most important things I have ever seen. And, since the film was shown in Indonesia, I have been receiving regular death threats from the paramilitary leader’s henchmen.”
Oppenheimer is tightlipped about his next project but tells me it will not be about Indonesia, not least because it would now be difficult for him to return there. “I don’t see what I do as storytelling, it’s more of a deep exploration. I can’t do that from a place of exile.” Given all that he has uncovered, is he optimistic that film-making can make a change? He smiles ruefully. “Neither of my films paints a rosy picture of the human condition and, I suppose, you could not make films that are so damning if you were a positive-thinking optimist. And yet, conversely, you would not spend a decade of your life doing that if you were hopeless.”

http://www.theguardian.com/film/2015/jun/07/joshua-oppenheimer-the-look-of-silence-interview-indonesia?CMP=fb_gu

martes, 2 de junio de 2015

Why didn’t the so-called population bomb ever go off? -B.G.

Why didn’t the so-called population bomb ever go off? -B.G.

The Population Bomb?

In the 1960s, fears of overpopulation sparked campaigns for population control. But whatever became of the population bomb?
By RetroReport on Publish Date May 31, 2015. Photo by Rajanish Kakade/Associated Press.



The Unrealized Horrors of Population Explosion


The second half of the 1960s was a boom time for nightmarish visions of what lay ahead for humankind. In 1966, for example, a writer named Harry Harrison came out with a science fiction novel titled “Make Room! Make Room!” Sketching a dystopian world in which too many people scrambled for too few resources, the book became the basis for a 1973 film about a hellish future, “Soylent Green.” In 1969, the pop duo Zager and Evans reached the top of the charts with a number called “In the Year 2525,” which postulated that humans were on a clear path to doom.
No one was more influential — or more terrifying, some would say — than Paul R. Ehrlich, a Stanford University biologist. His 1968 book, “The Population Bomb,” sold in the millions with a jeremiad that humankind stood on the brink of apocalypse because there were simply too many of us. Dr. Ehrlich’s opening statement was the verbal equivalent of a punch to the gut: “The battle to feed all of humanity is over.” He later went on to forecast that hundreds of millions would starve to death in the 1970s, that 65 million of them would be Americans, that crowded India was essentially doomed, that odds were fair “England will not exist in the year 2000.” Dr. Ehrlich was so sure of himself that he warned in 1970 that “sometime in the next 15 years, the end will come.” By “the end,” he meant “an utter breakdown of the capacity of the planet to support humanity.”
As you may have noticed, England is still with us. So is India. Hundreds of millions did not die of starvation in the ’70s. Humanity has managed to hang on, even though the planet’s population now exceeds seven billion, double what it was when “The Population Bomb” became a best-seller and its author a frequent guest of Johnny Carson’s on “The Tonight Show.” How the apocalyptic predictions fell as flat as ancient theories about the shape of the Earth is the focus of this installment of Retro Report, a series of video documentaries examining significant news stories of the past and their aftermath.
After the passage of 47 years, Dr. Ehrlich offers little in the way of a mea culpa. Quite the contrary. Timetables for disaster like those he once offered have no significance, he told Retro Report, because to someone in his field they mean something “very, very different” from what they do to the average person. The end is still nigh, he asserted, and he stood unflinchingly by his 1960s insistence that population control was required, preferably through voluntary methods. But if need be, he said, he would endorse “various forms of coercion” like eliminating “tax benefits for having additional children.” Allowing women to have as many babies as they wanted, he said, is akin to letting everyone “throw as much of their garbage into their neighbor’s backyard as they want.”
Dr. Ehrlich’s ominous declarations cause head-shaking among some who were once his allies, people who four decades ago shared his fears about overpopulation. One of them is Stewart Brand, founding editor of the Whole Earth Catalog. On this topic, Mr. Brand may be deemed a Keynesian, in the sense of an observation often attributed to John Maynard Keynes: “When the facts change, I change my mind, sir. What do you do?” Mr. Brand’s formulation for Retro Report was to ask, “How many years do you have to not have the world end” to reach a conclusion that “maybe it didn’t end because that reason was wrong?”
One thing that happened on the road to doom was that the world figured out how to feed itself despite its rising numbers. No small measure of thanks belonged to Norman E. Borlaug, an American plant scientist whose breeding of high-yielding, disease-resistant crops led to the agricultural savior known as the Green Revolution. While shortages persisted in some regions, they were often more a function of government incompetence, corruption or civil strife than of an absolute lack of food.
Some preternaturally optimistic analysts concluded that humans would always find their way out of tough spots. Among them was Julian L. Simon, an economist who established himself as the anti-Ehrlich, arguing that “humanity’s condition will improve in just about every material way.” In 1997, a year before he died, Mr. Simon told Wired magazine that “whatever the rate of population growth is, historically it has been that the food supply increases at least as fast, if not faster.”
Somewhere on the spectrum between Dr. Ehrlich the doomsayer and Mr. Simon the doomslayer (as Wired called him) lies Fred Pearce, a British writer who specializes in global population. His concern is not that the world has too many people. In fact, birthrates are now below long-term replacement levels, or nearly so, across much of Earth, not just in the industrialized West and Japan but also in India, China, much of Southeast Asia, Latin America — just about everywhere except Africa, although even there the continentwide rates are declining. “Girls that are never born cannot have babies,” Mr. Pearce wrote in a 2010 book, “The Coming Population Crash and Our Planet’s Surprising Future” (Beacon Press).
Because of improved health standards, birthing many children is not the survival imperative for families that it once was. In cramped cities, large families are not the blessing they were in the agricultural past. And women in many societies are ever more independent, socially and economically; they no longer accept that their fate is to be endlessly pregnant. If anything, the worry in many countries is that their populations are aging and that national vitality is ebbing.
Still, enough people are already around to ensure that the world’s population will keep rising. But for how long? That is a devilishly difficult question. One frequently cited demographic model by the United Nations envisions a peak of about nine billion around 2050. Other forecasts are for continued growth into the next century. Still others say the population will begin to drop before the middle of this century. The trickiness of numbers is underscored by a look at population density. It is generally assumed that having too many people crammed into a small territory is a recipe for poverty and other social ills. Yet according to the United Nations, the three places with the highest density are Monaco, Macao and Singapore. Not one of them remotely qualifies as a desperate case.
In Mr. Pearce’s view, the villain is not overpopulation but, rather, overconsumption. “We can survive massive demographic change,” he said in 2011. But he is less sanguine about the overuse of available resources and its effects on climate change (although worries about the planet’s well-being could be a motivator for finding solutions, much as demographic fears may have helped defuse the population bomb).
“Rising consumption today far outstrips the rising head count as a threat to the planet,” Mr. Pearce wrote in Prospect, a British magazine, in 2010. “And most of the extra consumption has been in rich countries that have long since given up adding substantial numbers to their population, while most of the remaining population growth is in countries with a very small impact on the planet.”
“Let’s look at carbon dioxide emissions, the biggest current concern because of climate change,” he continued. “The world’s richest half billion people — that’s about 7 percent of the global population — are responsible for half of the world’s carbon dioxide emissions. Meanwhile, the poorest 50 percent of the population are responsible for just 7 percent of emissions.”
To some extent, worrying about an overcrowded planet has fallen off the international agenda. It is overshadowed, as Mr. Pearce suggests, by climate change and related concerns. The phrase “zero population growth,” once a movement battle cry, is not frequently heard these days; it has, for instance, appeared in only three articles in this newspaper over the last seven years.
But Dr. Ehrlich, now 83, is not retreating from his bleak prophesies. He would not echo everything that he once wrote, he says. But his intention back then was to raise awareness of a menacing situation, he says, and he accomplished that. He remains convinced that doom lurks around the corner, not some distant prospect for the year 2525 and beyond. What he wrote in the 1960s was comparatively mild, he suggested, telling Retro Report: “My language would be even more apocalyptic today.”

Cifras del escándalo Fifa

¿Cómo obtiene la FIFA su dinero y cómo lo gasta?

Yo vendo un producto llamado fútbol”, dijo el expresidente de la FIFA, Joao Havelange. Quien acuñó esa frase al argumentar que el fútbol facturaba anualmente 250 mil millones de dólares, similar al actual estado de cuentas de esa entidad y que desde la semana pasada es objeto de investigación por graves acusaciones de corrupción contra algunos de sus miembros más importantes.
Ingresos y gastos de la FIFA. Infografía: La Razón. Fuente: FIFA y BBC
Ingresos y gastos de la FIFA. Infografía: La Razón. Fuente: FIFA y BBC
La Razón (Edición Impresa) / Rafael Sempértegui/EFE/AFP / La Paz, Johannesburgo y Zúrich
02:10 / 01 de junio de 2015
Yo vendo un producto llamado fútbol”, dijo el expresidente de la FIFA, Joao Havelange. Quien acuñó esa frase al argumentar que el fútbol facturaba anualmente 250 mil millones de dólares, similar al actual estado de cuentas de esa entidad y que desde la semana pasada es objeto de investigación por graves acusaciones de corrupción contra algunos de sus miembros más importantes.
La FIFA es dueña de los mundiales y mediante éstos genera sus ingresos con la venta de los derechos de transmisión, marketing, hospitalidad y licencias cada cuatro años.
En su propia página web, la FIFA explica que el 70% de sus ingresos los reinvierte y logra intereses bancarios, ejercicio financiero que hace para  “garantizar su futuro mediante la creación de reservas”.
Un informe de la redacción de BBC Mundo detalla que la FIFA genera ingresos mayormente comercializando las copas mundiales.
Hasta el momento, 14 personas, incluidos miembros del Comité Ejecutivo, fueron acusadas de recibir sobornos y comisiones cercanas a los 150 millones de dólares durante un periodo de 24 años.
La investigación se fija en presuntos casos de corrupción entre algunos componentes de la Concacaf y la Conmebol.
Durante los cuatro años antes del Mundial de Brasil, cada federación nacional recibió cerca a dos millones de dólares de la FIFA y las confederaciones continentales, 17,5 millones.
Así que el total recibido por las organizaciones relacionadas con la FIFA entre 2011 y 2014 fue cercano a los 137 millones de dólares.
Mientras tanto, las investigaciones de la Justicia suiza se centraron en el proceso de adjudicación de los mundiales de 2022 y 2018 a Catar y Rusia, respectivamente.
Los reportes enviados por la organización dan cuenta de la importancia que tiene un Mundial, en términos monetarios, que es su principal producto de los muchos que organiza y controla a nivel mundial y genera cifras multimillonarias.
El Mundial de Fútbol es el evento deportivo más rentable del planeta, mayor a los Juegos Olímpicos.
Las eliminatorias y el torneo en Brasil significaron un ingreso cercano a los 4.800 millones de dólares y, después de los egresos, le quedó a la FIFA una ganancia cercana a los 2.000 millones de dólares.
BBC Mundo se pregunta ¿Cuánto dinero retiene la FIFA? Reinvierte la mayoría de sus ganancias, pero solo lo hace en proporción a que le produzca dinero para el ahorro.
El valor efectivo de ese ahorro ha crecido consistente en la última década desde los 350 millones de dólares en 2005 hasta unos 1.500 millones de dólares en 2014.
Las acusaciones de corrupción se refieren a un monto de 150 millones de dólares durante un periodo de 20 años. Eso equivale a cerca del 10% del dinero que la FIFA utiliza para emergencias.
Blatter puede ir a declarar a juzgado
Cesiones . El diario británico The Sunday Times afirma  que Blatter será interrogado por la Justicia suiza, por la atribución de sedes de los mundiales de 2018 y 2022.
Patrocinio. Importantes patrocinadores de la FIFA y la Copa del Mundo como Adidas, Nike, Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Hyundai, Budweiser o Visa, se mostraron preocupados por todo lo ocurrido.
Unidad . Blatter prometió que llevará “el barco a aguas más tranquilas” y dejará a su sucesor “una FIFA más fuerte” por la unidad que se da ante la adversidad.
Organización de Mundial 2010 dice que pagó $us 10 MM
El que fuera presidente del Comité Organizador Local del Mundial de 2010 disputado en Sudáfrica, Danny Jordaan, reconoció que el organismo que dirigía pagó, en 2008, diez millones de dólares a la FIFA, aunque ha negado que fuera un soborno.
Las declaraciones de Jordaan, publicadas ayer en el Sunday Independent, vienen días después de que una investigación del FBI acusara a dirigentes de la FIFA de recibir diez millones de dólares de Sudáfrica a cambio de su apoyo.
Tanto el Gobierno sudafricano como la Asociación Sudafricana de Fútbol (SAFA) —de la que Jordaan— han negado cualquier pago a cambio de votos para organizar la Copa del Mundo.
Según Jordaan, los diez millones de dólares se pagaron a la Confederación de Fútbol de América del Norte, Central y el Caribe (Concacaf) para promover el desarrollo en la zona.
El presidente de la Concacaf era Jack Warner, que ocupaba también la presidencia de la FIFA y quien, según la investigación del FBI, recibió el supuesto soborno de diez millones de dólares para votar por Sudáfrica y conseguir el apoyo para esta candidatura de otros dos miembros con derecho a voto.
 Con los votos de Warner y otros dos directivos, que habrían recibido parte del dinero, la candidatura de Sudáfrica se impuso a la de Marruecos por 14 votos a diez en la votación final.
FIFA busca recuperar imagen internacional
La Federación Internacional de Fútbol (FIFA) y su presidente Joseph Blatter, reelegido el viernes, cerraron una semana muy convulsa, en la que a la elección presidencial se sumó un escándalo de corrupción que destrozó su imagen pública.
 Horas de televisión, portadas en la prensa internacional e infinidad de críticas en el mundo, convirtieron a dirigentes y en especial a Blatter en centro de todas las miradas.
Tras la reelección de su presidente, la FIFA se centra ahora en cómo recomponer los platos rotos.
El desafío se presenta complicado, ya que a la operación del miércoles en Zúrich en la que fueron detenidos siete dirigentes de los 14 que fueron imputados, podrían sumarse nuevas detenciones próximas.
Richard Weber, jefe de la Unidad de Investigaciones Criminales del Servicio de Rentas Internas de Estados Unidos (IRS), avisó sobre ello.
“Estoy bastante seguro de que vamos a tener otra ronda de acusaciones”, dijo Weber al New York Times. “Creemos firmemente que hay otras personas y entidades implicadas en actos delictivos".

martes, 19 de mayo de 2015

El Gobierno de Dinamarca quiere eliminar los pagos en efectivo ¿A quién beneficia y por qué?

El Gobierno de Dinamarca quiere eliminar los pagos en efectivo ¿A quién beneficia y por qué?

Dinamarca quiere ser el primer país de Europa en eliminar pagos en metálico en tiendas de ropa, restaurantes y gasolineras y otros negocios. Es más, si el trámite parlamentario sigue el cauce previsto, la medida se aprobará en los próximos meses y entrará en vigor a principios de 2016.
Esta propuesta se apoya en la popularidad de los pagos móviles en algunos países del norte de Europa tales como Dinamarca, Suecia, Noruega, Islandia y Finlandia. Allí se ha extendido en los últimos años la tendencia de abonar incluso las compras más pequeñas -un periódico o un paquete de chicles, por ejemplo –sin usar dinero en efectivo. En Dinamarca concretamente, uno de cada tres ciudadanos usa aplicaciones móviles tipo MobilePay para hacer sus pagos en tiendas o transferir dinero a otros teléfonos.
Según el Gobierno, la medida permitirá a los comerciantes ahorrar y aumentar su productividad, mientras que los compradores evitarán los inconvenientes asociados al manejo de billetes y monedas.
Pero lo que es más importante (y esto no lo dice con tanta claridad el Gobierno danés) es que esta decisión ayudará a controlar el dinero en circulación,dificultará el blanqueo y pondrá trabas a la actividad de la economía sumergida, que en este país supone alrededor del 15% del PIB.
La propuesta ayudará (y mucho) a facilitar la supervisión y transparencia de las operaciones financieras no sólo en este país. Otros también han anunciado un endurecimiento del uso de efectivo. Es el caso de Francia, donde a partir de septiembre los pagos con dinero en metálico se limitarán a 1,000 euros y los bancos deberán informar a las autoridades de todas las transferencias que superen los 10.000 euros dentro de la UE. En España, el Gobierno aprobó el año pasado la Ley de Lucha contra el Fraude, que prohíbe los pagos en efectivo por más de 2.500 euros (15.000 si el pagador es un particular no residente) y sanciones del 25% para quienes no cumplan. Las medidas antifraude en Grecia son aún más drásticas, movidas por la salida de capitales derivada de crisis que vive el país: todos los pagos que superen los 70 euros deben realizarse con cheques o con tarjetas de crédito. Todo bajo control.
image

Si prospera la propuesta danesa, el Gobierno sale ganando y la banca también, ya que aumentarán sus ingresos por comisiones y ahorrará en gastos de gestión. De ahí que la iniciativa cuente con el apoyo del principal lobby financiero del país: Finansraadet. Es cierto que, si desaparece el dinero en efectivo, las tiendas podrán reducir sus gastos en vigilantes, pero tendrán que instalar más sistemas tecnológicos para tramitar los pagos, poner circuitos de vigilancia y pagar a los bancos la comisión correspondiente por cada una de las ventas abonadas con tarjeta.
El asunto va aún más allá. El uso de las aplicaciones móviles se ha extendido tanto en el norte de Europa que algunas iglesias y mendigos han empezado a usar lectores de tarjetas para gestionar las limosnas. Por el momento, parece que las iglesias no se plantean sustituir los tradicionales cepillos por sistemas colecta con microchip, pero parece evidente que no van a perder la oportunidad de que cualquiera haga su donativo.
La eliminación del efectivo no es tan sencilla ni está exenta de riesgos. De hecho, el fraude electrónico se ha duplicado en el último año y los expertos auguran que habrá un crecimiento importante del crimen cibernético, un delito mucho más sofisticado y global que los tradicionales atracos.
Si esta medida se pone en marcha de una forma tan radical como parece, surge un nuevo riesgo: que cualquier incidencia en las comunicaciones o la pérdida del móvil nos dejen literalmente en la calle. Por no hablar de cómo sería la vida para los habitantes de pequeñas poblaciones, lugares montañosos y colectivos que no tienen el ADSL y la fibra óptica en el centro de sus vidas.
IDNet Noticias

https://es-us.finanzas.yahoo.com/blogs/finlaotracaradelamoneda/el-gobierno-de-dinamarca-quiere-eliminar-los-pagos-142805759.html

El movimiento 15-M celebra su cuarto aniversario en varias ciudades españolas - La Jornada

Durante protesta en Madrid critica la ley mordaza y la corrupción
El movimiento 15-M celebra su cuarto aniversario en varias ciudades españolas
Foto
Los indignados se reunieron ayer en la Puerta del Sol. En el mitin demandaron democracia y justicia social, y condenaron la corrupción en todas las institucionesFoto Reuters
Armando G. Tejeda
Corresponsal
Periódico La Jornada
Sábado 16 de mayo de 2015, p. 21
Madrid.
La futura ley mordaza, que entrará en vigor en julio próximo, y los numerosos casos de corrupción que involucran a la clase política española, fueron las dos principales denuncias de los colectivos sociales agrupados en el movimiento 15-M, protesta ciudadana que nació en mayo de 2011 por la represión del gobierno contra jóvenes que ocupaban la plaza para denunciar los estragos de la crisis. Cuatro años después este movimiento, también conocido como los indignados, continúa en barrios, pueblos y ciudades. Incluso, parte se ha transformado en el partido político emergente Podemos, que ha asumido el lenguaje y las reivindicaciones de aquella movilización histórica.
En mayo de 2011, a una semana de las elecciones autonómicas y municipales que confirmaron la mayoría absoluta del Partido Popular (PP, derecha) en Madrid, un grupo de jóvenes decidió pasar la noche en la Puerta del Sol para recuperar la plaza pública para el debate de las ideas y denunciar los efectos de la crisis en su generación. De noche y sin previo aviso, la policía antidisturbios arrasó el campamento y detuvo a decenas de personas. Eso fue la llama que encendió un movimiento ciudadano que se propagó al resto del país con la exigencia de más democracia, más justicia social y menos corrupción.
El movimiento los indignados se volvió a hacer presente en la Puerta del Sol, en la plaza de Cataluña y en la plaza de Valencia, donde cientos de personas se concentraron para exigir de nuevo más calidad democrática, justicia social y denunciar la corrupción, que afecta a todas las instituciones del país.
En Madrid, los inconformes repartieron mordazas entre los transeúntes, en señal de protesta por la inminente entrada en vigor de la nueva Ley General de Seguridad Ciudadana, también conocida como ley mordaza, con la que se pretende multar hasta con 600 mil euros (10 millones de pesos) a quienes convoquen y se manifiesten frente a las sedes de las instituciones del Estado, sea el Parlamento o las oficinas centrales de los ayuntamientos, o a quien fotografíe a policías mientras repriman alguna protesta o lleven a cabo un desahucio con violencia. La norma, aprobada por la mayoría absoluta del PP, ha sido reprobada por diversas asociaciones y organizaciones de defensa de los derechos humanos, además de las propias instituciones de la Unión Europea y de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas.
A pesar de que el movimiento del 15-M nació con vocación de no vincularse a ningún partido político, sindicato u organización establecida, durante la concentración en la Puerta del Sol había representantes de Podemos y de la plataforma electoral Ahora Madrid repartiendo propaganda electoral de cara a las elecciones municipales y autonómicas del próximo 25 de mayo, en las que se prevé un nuevo triunfo del PP en Madrid, pero sin la mayoría absoluta que ha tenido en los últimos 15 años, con lo que estaría obligado a llegar a acuerdos con algunas de las formaciones emergentes, como Ciudadanos, Podemos o Unión Progreso y Democracia.

http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2015/05/16/mundo/021n2mun

miércoles, 13 de mayo de 2015

El Vaticano anuncia acuerdo con Palestina sobre la solución de ‘dos Estados’ y apoyará su independencia

El Vaticano anuncia acuerdo con Palestina sobre la solución de ‘dos Estados’ y apoyará su independencia

El subsecretario vaticano para las Relaciones con los Estados, Antoine Camilleri, dijo al diario vaticano "L'Osservatore romano" que "sería positivo" que el acuerdo "pudiera ayudar" a ver "establecido y reconocido un Estado de Palestina independiente, soberano y democrático".

La Razón Digital / EFE / Ciudad del Vaticano
12:35 / 13 de mayo de 2015
 
El Vaticano anunció hoy un acuerdo con "el Estado de Palestina" en el que se apoya la solución de "dos Estados" para el conflicto con Israel y del que dijo que podría ayudar al reconocimiento de una Palestina "independiente".
El acuerdo, cuya firma se hará en un "futuro próximo", versa sobre "aspectos esenciales de la vida y la actividad de la Iglesia Católica en Palestina", según el comunicado de la Santa Sede, que precisó que el texto será sometido antes a las autoridades respectivas.
El subsecretario vaticano para las Relaciones con los Estados, Antoine Camilleri, dijo al diario vaticano "L'Osservatore romano" que "sería positivo" que el acuerdo "pudiera ayudar" a ver "establecido y reconocido un Estado de Palestina independiente, soberano y democrático".
El anuncio del acuerdo coincidió con la confirmación de que el presidente de la Autoridad Nacional Palestina, Mahmud Abás, será recibido en audiencia por el papa Francisco el próximo sábado, la víspera de la canonización de dos monjas nacidas en territorio palestino antes de la creación del Estado de Israel.
Camilleri reveló que en el texto del acuerdo se expresa "el auspicio de una solución de la cuestión palestina y del conflicto entre israelíes y palestinos en el ámbito de la solución de dos Estados", en declaraciones al órgano oficial vaticano.
"Sigue un segundo e importante capítulo sobre la libertad religiosa y de conciencia" y hay otros sobre "diversos aspectos de la vida de la Iglesia en los territorios palestinos", agregó.
Preguntado sobre si el documento podría tener repercusiones en el ámbito político, Camilleri respondió: "Aunque de modo indirecto, sería positivo que el acuerdo alcanzado pudiese de alguna manera ayudar a los palestinos a ver establecido y reconocido un Estado de Palestina independiente, soberano y democrático que viva en paz y seguridad con Israel y sus vecinos".
Además, según la valoración del alto cargo vaticano sobre el acuerdo alcanzado, éste podría servir para "alentar de algún modo a la comunidad internacional, en particular a las partes más directamente implicadas, a emprender una acción más decisiva para contribuir a alcanzar un paz duradera y a la solución de los dos Estados".
"Esta sería una bella aportación a la paz y la estabilidad en una región que desde hace tanto tiempo ha estado aquejada de conflictos, y por parte de la Santa Sede y de la Iglesia local estamos deseosos de colaborar en un camino de diálogo y de paz", agregó Camilleri.
El acuerdo entre el Vaticano y el Estado Palestino, recordó el miembro de la Curia, es "fruto del acuerdo de base entre la Santa Sede y la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina (OLP) firmado el 15 de febrero de 2000", y precisó que las relaciones oficiales entre ambas partes se establecieron el 26 de octubre de 1994.
Las negociaciones se reanudaron después de 2010 y han tenido como consecuencia el acuerdo anunciado hoy, "que tiene como propósito completar el firmado en 2000", afirmó.
Al explicar los antecedentes de este acuerdo de hoy y preguntado por la diferencia entre el firmado en 2000 con la OLP y este con el "Estado de Palestina", Camilleri aludió a la adopción el 29 de noviembre de 2012 de la resolución de Naciones Unidas que reconoció a Palestina como Estado observador no miembro.
"El mismo día la Santa Sede, que también tiene el estatuto de observador en la ONU, publicó una declaración", recordó Camilleri, en la que se aludía a la solución de los "dos Estados" tal como se dijo en la resolución de la Asamblea del organismo internacional del 29 de noviembre de 1947.
Agregó que el Vaticano expresó su apoyo a esa vía de solución para el conflicto entre los palestinos e Israel.
"La referencia al Estado de Palestina y lo que se afirma en el acuerdo representan por lo tanto una continuidad de la que fue entonces la posición de la Santa Sede", concluyó Camilleri en la entrevista con "L'Osservatore romano".

martes, 12 de mayo de 2015

It’s Time to Stop Holding Saudi Arabia’s Hand

It's time that Washington had "the talk" with its Gulf allies. They're friends with benefits, not long-term lovers.

It’s Time to Stop Holding Saudi Arabia’s Hand